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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - AN ARTICLE FOR YOU, FROM ECONOMIST.COM Dear computer tech discussion, Al Macintyre (MacWheel99@aol.com) wants you to see this article on Economist.com. The sender also included the following message for you: Here is confirmation of what I have been saying, that while there are islands of hatred, they are not representative of the majority of Muslims & Arabs, who support the USA. Bin Laden is an enemy of the USA. Other people, with same skin color, religion, living in same part of the world, are not. ****************************************************************************** When it comes to The Economist, one article is never enough! Sign up for 4 FREE trial issues of The Economist and enjoy a whole month of great reading! Valid in US only. Click here: http://www.economist.com/specialdeal1 To subscribe to The Economist outside of the US, please visit: http://www.economist.com/subscriptions ****************************************************************************** THE BLAME GAME Many Americans see themselves locked in conflict with the forces of Islamic extremism. But many Arabs blame America for generating that extremism THE image of the Arab world broadcast around the globe in the first moments after the cataclysm in America was that of Palestinians dancing in the streets. Americans--already dumbfounded by the notion that anyone could so despise their country that they would murder thousands and kill themselves just to spite Uncle Sam--seemed even more thunderstruck by the revellers' blind callousness. Many speculated that the devastation in New York and Washington was simply the first battle in an impending "clash of civilisations" that would pit unsuspecting Americans against whole nations of mindless fanatics. Ironically enough, a similar sense of foreboding has infected the Arab world. It fears that an ill-considered American response will target not only the perpetrators, but also the benighted countries from which, it seems, they came. Arabs have good reason to worry. Already, Israel appears to be taking advantage of the world's distraction to press its military campaign against the Palestinians. The temporary occupation of the West Bank town of Jenin, begun on Monday, has lasted much longer than the Israeli army's three previous incursions into Palestinian-controlled cities. At least 12 Palestinians have died in the operation, but America's media have hardly noticed. As if to drive the point home, on September 13th, the eighth anniversary of the Oslo Middle East peace accords, Israeli tanks also entered Jericho, the first town handed over to the Palestinians under that deal. Ariel Sharon, Israel's prime minister, is also trying to use the carnage in America for rhetorical advantage, likening Yasser Arafat, the Palestinian leader, to Osama bin Laden, the suspected terrorist mastermind. The more America equates the Palestinian struggle for national independence with "terror", the more latitude it is likely to grant Israel in crushing it. So the frail Mr Arafat, desperate to counter Israeli spin-doctoring, summoned the cameras to film him donating blood for America's injured. Fear of being singled out as scapegoats also prompted some of America's staunchest foes in the region--from Hizbollah in Lebanon, to Muammar Qaddafi in Libya--to swift and staunch denials of any link with the attackers. The press in the Middle East has made as much mileage out of the sporadic attacks on Arabs and Muslims in America as the American press did of the isolated scenes of celebration on the streets of Gaza and Jerusalem. Many Arabs, though appalled by the atrocity, do believe that America deserves some sort of comeuppance for its seeming disregard of the plight of Palestinians under Israeli occupation and of Iraqis under UN sanctions. The Bush administration's apparent disengagement from the peace process, coupled with Israel's use of sophisticated American weaponry to attack Palestinians, has instilled a sense that America is no longer just Israel's distant benefactor, but an accomplice in Israeli "crimes". Bloody bombings and street battles have become so common in the dirt-poor and despairing refugee camps of the Gaza Strip, in particular, that many residents have become entirely insensitive to violence. Some danced similarly triumphant jigs when a suicide bomber blew 20 teenagers limb from limb at a disco in Tel Aviv earlier this year. But those who have translated their resentment of America into murderous messianic fervour number only a handful. Furthermore, they are considered even more of a threat by the countries they live in than they are by America. Morocco, Algeria and Egypt, among others, have resorted to gross violations of human rights in an effort to wipe out Islamist opposition. Indeed, those regimes will find it much more palatable to do America's bidding and hunt down Islamic terrorists than to build ties with Israel, for example, or uphold sanctions on Iraq. Even if America resorts to air-raids on Afghanistan, most Arabs would probably shrug. They tend to view Afghanistan much as Europeans or Americans do: as a mercifully distant, battle-scarred breeding ground of zealots and gunmen. Indeed, many Arabs would go further: they hold America itself responsible for the spread of fundamentalist terror. After all, many of the suspects in Tuesday's attacks are veterans of the American-funded war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, including Mr bin Laden. To this day, America maintains an ambiguous policy on the Taliban. On the one hand, it fulminates against their extremist policies, and the welcome they give other extremists. On the other, it values the bulwark they present against neighbouring Iran and the squeeze they put on the heroin trade. America has certainly done little to stop Saudi Arabia, a close ally, funding the Taliban. In the Arab world itself, in addition to pursuing policies on the peace process and Iraq that enflame popular opinion, America also meddles incessantly in local politics. It alternately builds up and disowns vile dictators, such as Saddam Hussein, props up corrupt and unpopular regimes, as in Saudi Arabia, and turns a blind eye to the unsavoury activities of its allies, in places such as Bahrain and Tunisia. In other words, America has made a big contribution to the sort of political disillusionment and upheaval that foster radical Islam. Unfortunately, the events of the past week will only add to the woes of Arab moderates. Already, tourists are cancelling trips to poor but pro-western Arab states such as Jordan and Egypt. Foreign investment is also likely to suffer. America's Arab allies will feel jittery, and clamp down harder on legitimate dissent, thereby stoking Islamic extremism. A spirit of sheer defiance might inhibit America from softening its policy on Iraq or cajoling Israel into concessions in the peace process, with the same result. The upshot of the tragedy in America could well be further tragedy in the Middle East, and more recruits to extreme Islamic terror. See related content at http://www.economist.com/agenda/displayStory.cfm?Story_ID×85171 Go to http://www.economist.com for more global news, views and analysis from the Economist Group. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ABOUT ECONOMIST.COM - Economist.com is the premier online source of global news, views and analysis. 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